Wednesday, September 18, 2013

TANZANIA HISTORY OF HIPHOP a.k.a BONGO FLAVA

The widest form of Tanzanian Hip-hop music is known as Bongo Flava. Bongo Flava encompasses a large variety of different sounds, but it is particularly known for heavy synth riffs and an incorporation of Tanzanian pop. There is some debate over whether Bongo Flava, which has emerged as a defined pop movement, can really still be qualified under the overarching term "hip hop" and not a movement unto itself,[1] when it is beginning to develop a distinctive sound that differs from hardcore rap or, for example, the Maasai Hip-hop of X Plastaz, who use the tradition of the Maasai tribe as the focal point for their sound and style.[2] A form of Tanzanian hip hop is Bongo Flava. Bongo flava, derived from the Swahili word "ubongo" (meaning brains), incorporates hip hop, Indian filmi, taraab, muzik wa dansi, and dancehall beats.[3] It all began in the 1980s when Tanzanian teenagers were really interested in the American hip hop scene. At first, they took American beats and rapped to them. As the youth rapped, the hip hop in Tanzania began to develop into a mix of traditional and localized hip hop scene. As a result, it began a wave of interest from other people in Eastern Africa.[4]

Bongo Flava

The name Bongo Flava comes from the Swahili word for brains (connoting smarts or intelligence), which is ubongo.[5] Bongo is the slang nickname for Dar es Salaam, the largest city in Tanzania, and the former capital. The streets of Dar es Salaam is where Tanzanian hip-hop was born, thus the name of the genre literally translates to 'the flava from Dar es Salaam'.[6]

Unique Recording Company

Unique records is owned by a very influential person in the Tanzanian hip-hop/Bongo Flava scene that is taking place in this part of Africa. Jeremiah Mbemba who is also known as Snoozer, is not only the owner of Unique Records but also as talented producer, who has had a lot of input in the way the genre of music is shaped and has a clothing line known as Sawati wear, he first established Unique Records in Malawi where he believed he could be successful in the music industry.


Music style of Bongo Flava

Bongo flava is Tanzanian hip hop, with fast rhythms and rhymes in Swahili. The name “Bongo Flava” comes from the Swahili word for brains: ubongo. Bongo is the nickname of Dar es Salaam. It means that you need brains to survive there. It has evolved over time, combining elements of American rap, R&B, hip hop, with its unique Swahili twist. As much as American culture is in Tanzania the lyrics are politicized, about HIV, poverty and corruption, or about life, relationships, money, jealously and love.[7]
Bongo Flava is a mixture of Afrobeat and arabesque melodies, dancehall and hip-hop beats, and Swahili lyrics.[8] It developed in the 1980s when Tanzanian youth started rapping because they were fascinated by the hip-hop scene in the United States.[5] They fairly quickly added their own spin and flavor to the music by localizing it with beats, rhythms, and topics. The genre has become popular very quickly; it is the best-selling musical genre in East Africa,[5] is already a success in neighboring Kenya and Uganda, and is sweeping the African continent and spreading to the rest of the world. In 2004, German record label Out Here Records released the compilation CD, Bongo Flava - Swahili Rap from Tanzania.[9] The 70 minute record which features artists including X Plastaz, Juma Nature, and Gangwe Mobb has enjoyed wide international distribution.
When American hip hop first migrated to Tanzania, local rappers would sample popular American rap beats, simply inserting Swahili rhymes in place of English. This infant Bongo Flava style and imported American hip hop was initially embraced almost exclusively by young upper class individuals who found it fashionable to follow US trends.[10] This was often viewed as Tanzanians simply appropriating American culture and style, relating this to the idea of Americanization. In the early 1990s, as the genre was developing, the 'Kiswacentric' concept was born. Artists began to "localize" the music by addressing purely Tanzanian issues and eventually using the Swahili language, which in itself is a language with many global influences.[11] Additionally, beats shifted from American hip hop sampling to organic synthesized beats often incorporating local beats, rhythm, and sounds.[10] Tanzanian artists ensured that even when rapping in English, they would maintain the Swahili meanings behind their rhymes. By rapping in Swahili they were able to make the hip-hop style their own, while still "keeping it real" by the standards of American Hip-Hop.[12] This Kiswacentric rap has continued the Swahili poetic tradition of using wordplay, puns, and rhyme to express oneself. Many artists strive to use Swahili ideas and culture in their songs and styles rather than reproducing American pop culture or gangsta rap.[11]
The choice of language played an important role in the development and local acceptance of bongo flava. Through rapping in Swahili, many new artists were able to localize hip hop, giving it “a politically charged cultural image” and providing a way to relate it with Tanzanian culture.[7] Tanzanian rapper Dolasoul (Ahmed Dola), who studied in Nigeria and the United Kingdom, notes that rap music, particularly in Swahili, provided him “with the means to represent his people and speak about changes that can be made for ‘a better tomorrow.’"[13] He also notes that albums produced in Swahili, with minimal English, helps to make his language more accepted internationally.[13] The use of Swahili language in bongo flava conveys a particular message and idea to its listeners, instilling a sense of national pride and common culture. Dolasoul mentions that with his use of Swahili and minimal English, he is attempting to “give a wake up call to my people.”[13]
At the same time, the employment of Swahili Rap represents an attempt to negotiate the authentic gangster projection with more traditional and local Tanzanian musical forms. Between the prominent mainstream US hip hop image of gangster rappers and increased radio and television airplay for groups from South Africa, Europe and the Congo region[clarification needed] who project that image, Tanzanian rappers are heavily swayed toward a more raw style.[14] While this borrowing of the authentic gangster image as represented outside of Tanzania can be interpreted as an appropriation for localizing purposes, it can also be viewed as mimicry. Since authentic gangster rap is commercially viable, Tanzanian artists are torn between the possibilities it presents and the negative attention it may gain them. Indeed, those who do imitate Western gangster rap are often isolated and derided for being gangster wannabes.[14] Thus, the use of the Swahili language in Tanzanian rap helps take ideas from a larger hip hop discourse and incorporate them into the local context of that African rap culture. It makes sense then that those most dependent on the more marketable hardcore rap generally come from the impoverished regions of Tanzania, like Dar Es Salaam, where any chance at success may be more important than the worry of abandoning national pride in exuding a culturally ambivalent image. One of the paramount rap topics in this issue of balance is the objectification of women, which while it may be more marketable than less explicit forms, stands in contention with the Islamic ideals that many Tanzanians embrace. Still though, crude styles tend to appeal to the urban youth of Tanzania, as exemplified by the rap group LWP Majitu who, according to Out Here Records, "are popular for their hardcore hard hitting lyrics."[15] Whether in the poorer parts of Tanzania or the more privileged, it is crucial for rap artists to maintain a healthy balance between the traditional and the original, the local and the global


Emergence of hip-hop in Tanzania


Hip hop culture in Tanzania began in the early to mid 1980s chiefly as an underground movement, when promoters and artists would be forced to record and copy music in makeshift studios using rudimentary equipment. Underground rap began, not in the poorer working class areas of Dar es Salaam, but in the slightly more affluent areas of the city, where there was access to the Western world through friends, family, and travel opportunities. Oddly enough, rap first caught on amongst the youth of Tanzania's 'middle class.' These were teens with some formal education, a familiarity with English and a connection in another country who could mail the music to them. Hip hop provided the perfect outlet for Tanzanian youth to voice their anger and dissatisfaction with society.[16] These students of hip hop played an integral part in the formation of bongo flava, "through participation within a transcultural, multilingual and multiracial global hip-hop nation, combining African-American language with Swahili and local street varieties ("Kihuni")".[17] In the 1990s, Tanzanian hip hop shifted from an underground phenomenon to commercially accepted model, and became accessible to working class youth as well.
Early Tanzanian rap tended to be in English, but as the genre developed some rappers began writing raps in Swahili. The main venue for their music was live performance, particularly the Yo Rap Bonanza competition.[18] The YRB competition was organized by Indian merchants; notably, it attracted rappers from outside of [Dar es Salaam]. Artists such as Saleh J and Eazy-B performed at the competition.[16]
African American music had always been influential in Tanzania, especially soul and R&B, but with the birth of a socialist government, foreign music was banned in Tanzania. For example a hip hop group from Tanzania, Berry White, exemplifies the influence of African American music solely in the name of the band. It seems as though they are imitating and/or mimicking the world renown Barry White. Moreover, before the socialist government in Tanzania banned foreign music, it was evident that Tanzanian hip hop was heavily influenced by western music, specifically African American music.[19] This gave Tanzanian citizens limited access to hip-hop, and early artists either learned of it by hearing it in a foreign country through connections abroad.[20] For young rappers like Dolasoul, or Balozi, (Ahmed Dola), "it was just for the fun, no money was involved." Rap music was merely a pastime for the upper and middle classes, in opposition to early hip-hop artists in the United States and South Africa. Education was seem as their way to gain financial and social success and early rappers mostly rapped in English using American lyrics and tracks.[7] The scene began to change in the early 1990s with the breakdown of socialism, allowing hip-hop to become accessible to lower classes through the increase in circulation, and as it became acceptable for local artists and hip-hop fans began recording, copying and distributing hip-hop.[21]
Africa taking notice of this genre of music is another huge advance for Tanzanian hip hop. In the history of Music in Tanzania, there had never been a male bongo flava artist nominated for Kora African music Awards. Yesaya Ambwene aka AY was the first one to be nominated. Ay was nominated in the category of the best male artist from Eastern and Central Africa in 2005.[22] Including this genre in the African music awards reveals a lot of how far this music has come in such a short time.
Currently, hip-hop is not only a music of the elite, but is an important voice for the lower classes and those who are poor and underprivileged. Hip Hop is also the voice of the lower class because it allow them to express what their feelings are about any given situation on the country. Also because this is a way to upper ward mobility and a way to move from poverty to a better economical position. But in particular as Lemelle says "woven together into this scene and the lyrics are a sense of anger and alienation as well as clear desire to seek a better life-weather inside the country or without". (Hip Hip culture and the children of Arusha, Sydney J. Lamelle). In any case what the lower class in Tanzania use the hip hop as way to show the way in which poor people live in their country and at the same time try to gain some economical position. For example, artist Balozi recently worked on a project with poor Tanzanian boys affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, writing a song expressing their plight. The song, “Hali Duni” proceeded to move to the top of the musical charts in Dar es Salaam, and was featured in several movies.[23]
According to journalist Henry Bukuru (a.k.a. Cxteno Allstar), rap music was by far the greatest influence of hip hop culture in Tanzania. Mponjika described the four rudiments of hip hop culture in Tanzania as: break dancing (b-boying), graffiti art, DJing, and rapping. DJ competitions represented the birth of hip hop, particularly in Zanzibar, which had television to broadcast these competitions that took place live in informal public spaces (school graduations, picnics, house parties).[7][24]
So many artists have emerged from Bongo Flava, and it is almost impossible to name all of them. The Tanzaninan "Dr.Dre" is certainly Mr. II that was the first Bongo Flava's superstar which has now retired. Mr. II is classified as a solo artist in Tanzania, but two groups took over the Bongo Flava industry namely the "TMK" and the "East Coast". The "Tmk" stands for Temeke which is one of the poorest neighbourhoods in Dar-es-Salaam. In that part of the city inhabits some of the most radical and critical crews such as Juma Nature or Gangwe Mobb.[25] The "East Coast" is where rappers from middle or upper class society in a much nicer part of town Upanga, these rappers are known to rap more about the happy sides of life and their music is often compared to commercial music. Juma Nature raps about his country and the sense of unity that he exemplifies. His music is easy flowing and is accompanied by synthesised drum with instrumentation. Juma Nature uses a story telling aspect to his rapping

Saturday, April 20, 2013

HIGH CLASS A.K.A UNDERGROUND SOULS

tAbbas Maunda, member of Kwanza Unit and also the leader of High Class - The Underground Souls, formed in 1997. The other members are Baraka Kongwa and Steven Mbowe. They do something they call rap-jazz or hip-hop jazz. And by "jazz" they mean the Tanzanian "Swahili Jazz", not the U.S. jazz.
We combine it by playing jazz instruments live while we are rhyming. But now we don't have any instruments. But this uncle of mine he's a jazz player. I go to the the rehearsals and put my lyrics in: I definitely feel the rhythm of jazz when I put my words in.
Abbas started to rap when his family lived in England. He sees himsef as an educator:
In Tanzania hip-hop is not that big. It's big in terms of number of crews, but not in terms of knowledge of the art. The art in their mind is so low. What we are trying in our songs is to educate them, kids and other crews, that although you're in the game you should do this and this. So our big thing is to educate. We talk about 'first educate yourself, then come into the game'. We create hip-hop by educating. At the same time we talk about not to loose your tradition. To keep the tradition in your hands, not to loose it.
We Tanzanians are supposed to be in a specific way. We should follow our culture so when anybody sees you they say: "This is a Tanzanian".
- - - -
You can represent hip-hop culture in a Tanzanian way. Most of the hip-hoppers in America they talk about violence. Me personally, violence, I don't take it. So I talk the way we live in Tanzania. Hip-hop the way we live in Tanzania. This hip-hop can change by the way you're living. In America they live in violence. But we live in an African way, hip-hop in and African way. Just because Americans live in that kind of way it should mean that we should live in that kind of way. No. We can live the same hip-hop, but in an African way.





THA DE-PLOW-MATZ crew

DPT is short for Tha De-Plow-Matz. The crew is made up of Saigon (real name Saleeh Mzee), Dolasoul (real name Ahmed Dola), Trip Dogg (real name Philip Mwinmanji) and Storm (real name Amour Shamte). In the DPT family we also find manager/organiser Nkwessa.
The origin of DPT can be traced back to 1992 when Saigon and Tripp Dog met in school and started to rap just for fun. Since then a number of guys have been involved with DPT shorter or longer periods.

In the mid-90's Saigon and Stigo teamed up with Dola Soul who had just come back from living in Lagos (Nigeria) where he grew up. They started recording and after a few singles they went into the studio with P-Funk and Master Jay, this resulted in the De-Plow-Matz album. Their style and topics were refreshing, and a new audience was addressed. With Saigon leaving for UK in 1999 and Dola getting onto his solo carreer, the crew sort of fell apart without officially disbanding. In 2002 Saigon returned to Tanzania, meeting up with Trip Dog and Dola for a possible come-back.







G.W.M GANGSTERS WITH MATATIZO

GWM is short for Gangstas With Matatisu. The last word is Swahili and means problems. And it sure means problems if you try to be a gangsta rapper U.S. style in Dar. Nethertheless, GWM tries to stick to reality rap, strictly in Swahili. They deal with the daily hardships in the streets of Bongo, i.e. the slang name for Dar hinting at the fact that you have to be smart to survive in the city ("bongo" means smart, clever in Swahili
 One of the most well-respected crews from the new school which came up around 1997. They were instantly known all over Tanzania for their lyrical genius, first seeing the light in radio hits like 'Cheza mbali na kasheshe' ('stay out of trouble') and other songs which showcased a high degree of urban slang. Their first album should have been out at that time, but due to business deals gone sour it only came out in 2000, a bit after the buzz. KR has since also joined the group Wachuja Nafaka.
 
K.R. (real name Rashid Ziada)


D CHIEF (real name Robert E. Makala)
GWM has three members:
D CHIEF (real name Robert E. Makala)

EASY DOPE (real name Richard Makala) D Chief's older brother 
K.R. (real name Rashid Ziada)


The Makal Brothers started to rap in 1993 while still in secondary school. Their father Edward Makala was an eminent expert on traditional music in Tanzania. K.R. joined them in 1995. In that year they won a talent contest arranged by Don Bosco, a Dar studio owner. This gave them a chance to record some songs backed by a wellknown band. The songs became quite popular.
GWM performed at paid gigs more than 20 times during 1997, which is quite a good track record for a Dar rap crew. Their fans are mainly secondary school, college and university students. That's also the case is with most other Dar rap groups.
 Their song Yemeni Kuta was a hit in November 1997. The song is about things they see in the streets of Dar and that bothers them. "Yameni Kuta" means "It bothers me".

BANTU POUND GANGSTERS!

Bantu Pound Gangster has three members,soggy doggy anta a.k.a chief rumanyika,Nigger Pure (real name Faustine Joseph Mwakalinga) and Kassie (real name Castory Marcelin Komba). The group started in 1993.Bantu Pound Gangster rap exclusively in Swahili:They had an album with eight songs at Master J's studio. The album is called Ilala, which is a township in Dar



               
soggy doggy


caz t

soggy

BALOZI DOLA SOUL

Balozi began his career while attending school in Nigeria. Balozi grew up with the support of his family who put education first. Seeing education as the key to an improved life, rapping began as something that was fun, and was not initially seen as a career. After studying in the UK, Balozi returned to Tanzania and “got married to the rap game”.

Upon returning to Tanzania, Balozi joined the rap group the Deplowmatz, whose other members were both sons of Tanzanian diplomats. The group was named the best rap group in Tanzania in 1999 and had a song at the top of the music charts in Holland. Balozi’s music focuses on the political, economic, social, and cultural problems facing the people of Tanzania.
DEPLOWMATZ 
After most of Deplowmatz left Dar es Salaam to study upcountry or abroad, Dola Soul was left to protect the flag. He set up a succesful solo carreer and has been an example to many younger emcees. Being very serious about improving the state of music business in Dar, he went to seek more fair deals between distributors, studio people and emcees. A first result was his album Balozi wenu which sold well, and which he promoted himself. Dola Soul also worked together with Mr II whom he joined on tour all over Tanzania.
He has released two albums and has performed in many venues throughout Europe, Africa, and North America. BALOZI WENU AND BALOZI UBALOZINI
BALOZI

BALOZI

Friday, April 19, 2013

X-PLASTAZ

X Plastaz is a Tanzanian hip hop musical group based in Arusha and founded in 1996. They are one of the most popular acts in the Tanzanian hip hop scene. Their style mixes elements from international hip hop and traditional Maasai music, represented by Maasai singer Merege. While Merege sings in maa (Maasai language), the other members of the group rap in swahili and haya.[1] Merege is also well known to perform in traditional Maasai clothings.[2]
X Plastaz hip hop is slower paced that most African hip hop and strongly characterized by Maasai deep chanting.[3] X Plastaz songs such as Aha!, Dunia dudumizi, Bamiza and, most notably, Msimu kwa msimu are among the most popular hits in the bongo flava genre.[4]

The first lineup of X Plastaz consisted in the Ruff and Gsann brothers from Arusha, together with their colleague and roommate Ziggy from the Tanga Region. They began singing hip hop in 1995, while earning their living in a haircutting saloon.[5] In 1996 they were noticed by Bonnie Luv, a record producer from Dar es Salaam, who had them record some single. Their first hit was Bamiza (1998), that was one of the most played songs by Tanzanian radios for several weeks. Another hit soon followed, Wachaga piga chata.
In 1997 X Plastaz visited a traditional Maasai village west of Arusha and met Yamat Ole Meipuko, also known as Merege,[6] who was the local "singing champion" in his age class. They thus invited Merege to join them when they were performing in the surroundings of Arusha and Moshi. Their new "Maasai hip hop" style was an instant success, as Merege became a stable member of the lineup. Over time, the group also acquired new members, including Ruff and Gsann's two younger brothers and younger sister.[5]
X Plastaz' Maasai hip hop caught the attention of Jay Rutledge, editor of the Rough Guides ethnic music CD series. Thanks to the inclusion of their songs in the Rough Guides compilations dedicated to Tanzania and African hip hop, X Plastaz received international acclaim and eventually began touring Europe as well as Latin America.[5] In 2002, they also participated in the World AIDS Day international event.
In 2004, German recording label Out Here Records published X Plastaz' first full-length album, Maasai Hip Hop, which included the hit songs previously published in the Rough Guides.
In 2006, X Plastaz suffered the sudden death of Nelly, died of injuries on March 29 after being stabbed. Born in 1976, he was the oldest member of the group and his sympathetic attitude towards the poor and needy was one of X Plastaz' trademarks.[5] The video of Nelly's last song, Nini dhambi kwa mwenye dhiki, shot on the Ol Doinyo Lengai volcano, is one of the most popular Africa music videos on YouTube.[5] Despite this dramatic loss, X Plastaz did not disband, and are still active today. In 2009, they published Furaha, the first single of their upcoming second album. In the same, Gsan participated in BET Cypher, the annual gathering of America's top MCs, in Brooklyn, New York City.[7] In 2010, they presented another new single, Afrika, at the Sauti za Busara festival in Stone Town, Zanzibar.


Besides including Maasai vocal lines in their songs, X Plastaz base much of their image on the appeal of Maasai culture on both Tanzanian and international audiences. One of their more famous songs, Aha!, is about life in a traditional Maasai village, and the music video of this song was shot in a traditional village, displaying the lifestyle and customs of the Maasai people. The song's rap is in swahili and haya, while the chorus is actually a traditional Maasai chant. The song was also included in the HBO documentary This Is My Africa.[5]
In their musical and stylistic embrace of both traditional Maasai culture and American hip hop, X Plastaz were faced with a common issue in African contemporary and pop music, i.e., adapting what could be seen as a colonialist tradition to their own culture, while contributing to the development of the national and cultural identity of their country and their people.[9] Their attitude is the result of the conscious and explicit intent of pursuing "African hip hop" rather than mimicking American black music and, more in general, expressing subjection towards Western culture. For example, their website makes reference to the American magazine National Geographic, which published an article on their music, but is also careful to explain what the magazine is.[10]
As is often the case for hip hop acts, X Plastaz' lyrics often deal with social and political issues. Through their songs, X Plastaz bring the audience's attention to dramatic problems of Tanzania and Africa in general, including poverty, AIDS, and war.

xplastaz

r.i.p nelly

xplastaz

xplastaz

xplastaz in brazil

xplastaz in brazil

xplastaz

dj premier,g san and krs one

xplastaz

R.i.P Father nelly